Ladies and gentlemen,
Today marks the conclusion of the G20 summit, culminating Brazil’s presidency of the G20. Throughout the year, Brazil has steered the group, hosting an extensive array of events, as is customary. I am confident that significant results and robust agreements have been secured, which is of paramount importance.
The establishment of a new coordinating entity – the Global Alliance Against Hunger and Poverty – received support. This initiative, personally championed by President of Brazil Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, aims to expedite progress towards the complete eradication of hunger, in line with the Sustainable Development Goals, which, despite being long endorsed, have not been effectively implemented, although this ought to be accomplished by 2030. I am hopeful (and can assert with a reasonable degree of certainty) that the formation of such an alliance will enhance outcomes in this domain, in accordance with the Sustainable Development Goals.
Russia has become a participant in this mechanism. We have already declared our intention to contribute our best practices to the project portfolio under the alliance’s auspices. These encompass programmes for assisting developing nations, including school meal initiatives and agricultural development schemes. These programmes are devised to transfer appropriate technology, expertise, and methodologies to developing countries, enabling them to increasingly depend on their own resources.
We have reiterated our fundamental stance that the G20 is, first and foremost, an economic forum, which was the very purpose of its inception. Its objective was to facilitate substantive economic dialogue between “developed” and “developing” economies, with the aim of identifying optimal pathways for global economic advancement that benefit all –addressing poverty and inequality, and ensuring the most effective operation of all multilateral institutions.
The G20 should be anchored in the principles of the UN Charter, foremost among them the principle of the sovereign equality of states. This has historically been absent from Western policy, which has never honoured sovereign equality. However, current circumstances are compelling a shift, as the BRICS nations and other countries collaborating with the group are advancing at a considerably faster rate. In any event, the UN Charter serves as the bedrock of all international cooperation across various fields. It is imperative to apply its principles in their entirety and within context, rather than selectively as if from a “menu,” as the West tends to do.
A declaration – a comprehensive document – was adopted. Most importantly, it recognises modern realities and is centered on the core task of shaping international relations based on multilateralism, pluralism, and the elimination of inequalities both between and within countries. Many (including us) noted that inequality, and eradicating hunger and poverty have become quite relevant for the developed nations, where the number of people living below the poverty line is on the rise. These inequalities in the international arena stem from the colonial and neo-colonial practices of our Western “colleagues” and centuries of Western dominance.
Despite the efforts to limit the Declaration to economic issues, it includes a section addressing the geopolitical situation in terms of conflicts in various regions of the world. We agreed to that just like we did last year with regard to the Declaration adopted at the previous G20 Summit in New Delhi. As expected, the West pushed to impose the Ukraine-centric agenda but failed, since not a single Global Majority country was supportive of it. Together with our partners from the developing world, we emphasised the importance of focusing on resolving each and every ongoing conflict globally, particularly the Middle Eastern crisis. The tragic plight of the Palestinians largely stems from social engineering and direct interventions in the Middle Eastern region by Washington and its allies.
The Declaration includes a paragraph on Ukraine, which we accepted because its central message calls for a candid and realistic dialogue about peace.
There’s an important aspect of the Declaration which I mentioned earlier. It has a paragraph (which starts the section) advocating for the resolution of disputes based on justice and international law, namely, the full scope of the UN Charter. This is crucial, particularly when applied to Ukraine. The West emphasises only the principle of territorial integrity. It dreams of Ukraine taking back the territories it had as of 1991. These lands were home to the Russian people for centuries on end, but the Zelensky regime disenfranchised them. They choose to look the other way when it comes to this matter, even though the other section of the Charter (Article 1) clearly states the importance of respecting human rights regardless of race, gender, language, or religion. The rights of Russian-speaking people in Ukraine regarding language and religion have been eradicated under Ukrainian legislation. Western nations, however, dismiss these violations, because Zelensky is allegedly upholding the “European values.”
Let them take these territories with these people and let him sort it out with them on his own. What a disgrace.
To follow up on the economic agenda, the key issue (apart from combatting famine, poverty, and inequality) is the reform of global institutions. Most delegations from the Global South emphasised the dominance of Western players in these entities, which can no longer claim exclusivity, first, on moral grounds, and, second, in light of modern-day realities.
The world is changing rapidly. Over the past several decades, it has taken on a new “face.” We have cited figures on many occasions: BRICS now accounts for 37 percent of the global economy, while the G7 has dropped below 30 percent. This gap continues to widen because BRICS countries currently have an average growth rate of 4 percent, twice that of the G7 economies.
The October 22-24 BRICS Summit in Kazan is still fresh in our mind. It was frequently mentioned in the remarks delivered by representatives of the Global South. The assessments we heard here show that the association is ready to develop an independent toolset – payment, settlement, clearing, investment, trading, and other mechanisms – that could be used independently of the West. This work is underway, and someone mentioned it today.
No one is looking to dismantle the existing “tools” of the post-war world order, such as the Bretton Woods institutions, or the World Trade Organisation. However, given the significant issues arising from the West abusing its control over these systems, the parallel creation of alternative tools, which I just mentioned, clearly makes sense.
BRICS countries are increasing their role and influence within the G20 which was evident at the 2023 Delhi Summit, the 2022 Indonesia Summit, and especially during the latest discussions. BRICS’ stronger position has been aided by last year’s decision to admit the African Union as a full member of the G20. This time, Brazil’s chairmanship invited to the summit the President of the New Development Bank which was created by BRICS, and top officials from the League of Arab States.
The Declaration confirms the importance of amplifying and strengthening the voice of the Global Majority in all key political and economic bodies from the UN Security Council to the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and to fully restore the WTO’s functioning. The WTO dispute resolution body, a core WTO mechanism, remains blocked and is unable to operate due to procedural manipulations by the United States which is effectively holding the former hostage.
